Friends,

I sometimes share with you perspectives about what we’re up against from non-American writers and journalists. Asli Aydintasbas, a visiting fellow at the Brookings Institution in Washington D.C., and a former journalist, published this short essay recently in

PoliticoMagazine. As we prepare for Trump’s regime, I thought you’d find her views useful.

***

American democracy is about to undergo a serious stress test.

I know how it feels, in part because I lived through the slow and steady march of state capture as a journalist working

in Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Turkey.

Over a decade as a high-profile journalist, I covered Turkey’s descent into illiberalism, having to engage in the daily

push and pull with the government.

I know how self-censorship starts in small ways but then creeps into operations on a daily basis.

I am familiar with the rhythms of the battle to reshape the media, state institutions and the judiciary.

Having lived through it, and having gathered some lessons in hindsight, I believe that there are strategies that can

help Democrats and Trump critics not only survive the coming four years, but come out stronger.

Here are six of them.

1. Don’t Panic — Autocracy Takes Time

President-elect Donald Trump’s return to power is unnerving but America will not turn into a dictatorship overnight — or in four years.

Even the most determined strongmen face internal hurdles, from the bureaucracy to the media and the courts.

It took Erdoğan well over a decade to fully consolidate his power.

Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Poland’s Law and Justice Party needed years to erode democratic norms and fortify

their grip on state institutions.

I am not suggesting that the United States is immune to these patterns, but it’s important to remember that its

decentralized system of governance — the network of state and local governments — offers enormous resilience.

Federal judges serve lifetime appointments, states and governors have specific powers separate from those granted

federally, there are local legislatures, and the media has the First Amendment as a shield, reinforced by over a

century of legal precedents.

Sure, there are dangers, including by a Supreme Court that might grant great deference to the president.

But in the end, Donald Trump really only has two years to try to execute state capture.

Legal battles, congressional pushback, market forces, midterm elections in 2026 and internal Republican dissent will

slow him down and restrain him.

The bottom line is that the U.S. is too decentralized in its governance system for a complete takeover.

The Orbanization of America is not an imminent threat.

2. Don’t Disengage — Stay Connected

After a stunning electoral loss like this, there’s a natural impulse to shut off the news, log off social media and

withdraw from public life.

I’ve seen this with friends in Turkey and Hungary with opposition supporters retreating in disillusionment after

Erdogan’s or Orban’s victories.

Understandably, people want to turn inwards.

Dancing, travel, meditation, book clubs — it’s all fine.

But eventually, in Poland, Hungary and Turkey, opponents of autocracy have returned to the fight, driven by a belief

in the possibility of change.

So will Americans.

Nothing is more meaningful than being part of a struggle for democracy.

That’s why millions of Turks turned out to the polls and gave the opposition a historic victory in local governments

across Turkey earlier this year.

That’s how the Poles organized a winning coalition to vote out the conservative Law and Justice Party last year.

It can happen here, too.

The answer to political defeat is not to disconnect, but to organize.

You can take a couple of days or weeks off, commiserate with friends and mute Elon Musk on X — or erase the app

altogether.

But in the end, the best way to develop emotional resilience is greater engagement.

3. Don’t Fear the Infighting

Donald Trump’s victory has understandably triggered infighting inside the Democratic Party and it looks ugly.

But fear not.

These recriminations and finger-pointing are necessary to move forward.

In Turkey, Hungary and Poland, it was only after the opposition parties faced their strategic and ideological

misalignment with society that they were able to begin to effectively fight back.

Trump has tapped into the widespread belief that the economic order, labor-capital relations, housing and the

immigration system are broken.

You may think he is a hypocrite, but there is no doubt that he has convinced a large cross-section of American society

that he is actually the agent of change — a spokesman for their interests as opposed to “Democratic elites.”

This is exactly what strongmen like Erdoğan and Orban have achieved.

For the Democratic Party to redefine itself as a force for change, and not just as the custodian of the status quo,

it needs fundamental shifts in how it relates to working people in the U.S.

There is time to do so before the midterms of 2026.

4. Charismatic Leadership Is a Non-Negotiable

Trump was beatable in this election, but only with a more captivating candidate.

For Democrats, the mistake after smartly pushing aside President Joe Biden was bypassing the primaries and

handpicking a candidate.

Future success for the party will hinge on identifying a candidate who can better connect with voters and channel

their aspirations.

It should not be too hard in a country of 350 million.

Last year’s elections in Poland and Turkey showcased how incumbents can be defeated (or not defeated,

as in general elections in Turkey in 2023) depending on the opposition’s ability to unite around compelling

candidates who resonate with voters.

Voters seek authenticity and a connection — give it to them.

5. Skip the Protests and Identity Politics

Trump’s appeal transcends traditional divides of race, gender and class.

He has formed a new Republican coalition and to counteract this.

Democrats too, must broaden their tent, even if means trying to appeal to conservatives on some issues.

Opposition over the next four years must be strategic and broad-based.

Street protests and calls to defend democracy may be inspirational, but they repel conservatives and suburban

America.

Any grassroots action must be coupled with a clear, relatable economic message and showcase the leadership

potential of Democratic mayors and governors.

Identity politics alone won’t do it.

6. Have Hope

Nothing lasts forever and the U.S. is not the only part of the world that faces threats to democracy — and Americans

are no different than the French, the Turks or Hungarians when it comes to the appeal of the far right.

But in a country with a strong, decentralized system of government and with a long-standing tradition of free speech,

the rule of law should be far more resilient than anywhere in the world.

Trump’s return to power certainly poses challenges to U.S. democracy.

But he will make mistakes and overplay his hand — at home and abroad.

America will survive the next four years if Democrats pick themselves up and start learning from the successes of

opponents of autocracy across the globe.